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When the annual Israel Day parade marches up Fifth Avenue Sunday, count on the huge New York crowd to once again be joyful and boisterous.
But underneath the celebration, there lurks a growing concern, one that is dominating many conversations in New York, across America and in Israel itself.
What is President Trump up to?
Given some of his recent actions and comments, especially during his whirlwind trip to three Arab monarchies last week, it’s an understandable question.
The fear is that Trump is falling in love with a kumbaya fantasy about the region that could end up further isolating and endangering the embattled Jewish state.
Here is how the Times of Israel described the mood in a Friday article: “As US President Donald Trump jetted from one sprawling palace to another, embracing Arab leaders and heralding a new Middle East this week, many in Israel worried that the best partner they’ve ever had in the White House had lost interest.”
It went on to cite a columnist who wrote that “there was a party in the Middle East — a grand ball full of colorful costumes, money and gold changing hands — and we found ourselves playing the role of Cinderella before the transformation.”
Lack of communication
Some of the reasons for the wall of worry involve the growing boldness of antisemites around the world, including in the US. Many European parties, like the Democrats in America, are home to pro-terror agitators, while Trump has been regarded as the most reliable friend.
Lately, however, the president kept Israel in the dark about important moves, including his cease-fire deal with the Houthis that did not require the Yemeni terrorists to stop firing rockets and missiles at Israel.
Before that, Trump did not tell Israel he was starting talks with Iran until just days before the first meeting.
And the fact that his Middle East trip did not include a stop in Israel underscored the view that his once-close relationship with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has soured.
Additionally, the US negotiated directly with Hamas for the release of the only living American hostage in Gaza, Edan Alexander. The terror group called his release a goodwill gesture to Trump.
The move ignored 20 other hostages thought to be alive and was seen as undercutting Israel as it begins a large-scale military effort in Gaza to eliminate Hamas and launch a murky day-after occupation plan.
Still, there was some surprisingly good news for Israel in Trump’s trip.
During his meeting with the new leader of Syria, the first between the countries in 25 years, Trump encouraged interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa to recognize Israel and join the Abraham Accords.
And by the time Trump arrived back in Washington, there were reports that Israel and Syria had indeed started talking about the possibility.
In ordinary times, that would be a sensational development. After all, Syria never accepted Israel’s right to exist and often welcomed terrorists to use it as a base from which to strike the Jewish state.
But with Trump and his unorthodox ways, these are not ordinary times, and the talks represent a tangible outcome of his trip to the Arab kingdoms of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates.
Spreading his gospel of peace and prosperity, the president conveyed an optimistic vision for the region and threw open the doors to any and all who would embrace that vision — and, of course, buy American products.
That he secured as much as $2 trillion in deals makes the trip a resounding success in terms of the jobs that will be created in the US.
Positive talks
It’s also a fact that, in geopolitical terms, his trip reinvigorates America’s presence in a region where China has been making inroads in its quest for global dominance.
Equally significant is that the president is talking positively about a possible deal with Iran to end the mullahs’ quest for nukes, which further illustrates his expansive view of what’s possible.
While even some Democrats acknowledged that Trump’s energy and sheer force of personality on the world stage were good for America and global stability, Israelis are not wrong to worry that what’s good for Trump and the US in the short run might not be good for them.
The sticking points are the usual ones: Hamas, the Houthis and above all, Iran, which represents an existential threat to Israel.
The fear is that any deal with Iran covering its nuclear facilities will only be a temporary fix, like the flimsy pact Barack Obama crafted, and sooner or later, the mullahs will be back in the business of enriching uranium for use in a nuclear weapon aimed at Tel Aviv.
Netanyahu preferred a joint military action to destroy the known facilities, but Trump, after seeming to agree, decided he wanted to give negotiations another chance.
For Israel, no matter what promises Iran makes, anything less than complete destruction of the plants will restart its progress toward an inevitable nuke.
Moreover, if Trump removes American sanctions as part of a deal, as he has promised, Iran would have the money to continue funding Hamas, the Houthis and even perhaps a rejuvenated Hezbollah in Lebanon, making another Oct. 7 possible.
Trump is clearly aware of Israel’s concern, and in addition to the pitch to Syria, also publicly urged Saudi Arabia to join the Abraham Accords.
It would also help if he were to embrace a “no surprise” rule with Israel. For example, it would have cost the president nothing to tip off Netanyahu about the outreach to Iran before it became public.
And his Houthi deal should have included a ban on attacks on Israel.
Avoid big wars
As it was, the sudden news of the America-only cease-fire and the invitation to Iran fueled fears that Trump had cut Israel out of the loop and made a beleaguered Netanyahu look weak at home.
Yet Trump is not wrong to give a peaceful outcome with Iran a final chance.
Although he showed no hesitation in droning Iran’s terror general, Qasem Soleimani, during his first term, the president genuinely wants to avoid big wars, and has reshaped the GOP to reflect that sentiment.
Long gone are the days of George W. Bush and the disastrous invasion of Iraq.
As Trump made clear in his key speech in Saudi Arabia, he is not a fan of “the so-called nation-builders, neocons or liberal nonprofits like those who spent trillions and trillions of dollars failing to develop Kabul, Baghdad and so many other cities.”
Besides, we will know soon enough what his bottom line is on Iran.
When he invited the Supreme Leader in the middle of March to begin negotiations, Trump put a time limit of two months on the talks.
If Iran didn’t agree to destroy its facilities by then, he vowed that America, with Israel’s help, would do it for them.
The deadline has arrived. It’s decision time, Mr. President.