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OAN Commentary by: Adonis Hoffman
Monday, October 27, 2025
With a fragile and tentative agreement in place, Israel matters more now than ever.
Its survival no longer hinges on its own strength but on the durability of a U.S.-brokered truce, along with American diplomatic, cultural and economic engagement. Standing with Israel is more than an act of alliance; it goes to the depths of democracy, defense and faith.
It has been more than two years since Hamas’ brutal attack on Israel, but only now has a coherent policy emerged. Through the fog of war, the anguish of hostage families and the destruction of Gaza, the complex U.S.-Israel relationship has been laid bare for the world, renewing global scrutiny and scorn. Both the left and right have traded misguided policy accusations that reflect divergent views within our own demographics.
Through persistent American diplomacy, a brittle calm now holds. The diplomatic breakthrough led by President Donald Trump, and endorsed by Israel and key regional partners, brought home Israeli captives, began a phased demilitarization of Gaza, and established an interim governing council under international oversight. It is far from a lasting peace, but it is a pathway. The truce is tenuous, conditional and temporal, born more of exhaustion than of trust. And yet, it is proof that American leadership can bend the arc of conflict toward restraint and renewal.
In truth, U.S. foreign policy is complicated and inchoate. For all of his military success, Benjamin Netanyahu remains a divisive figure both within and outside Israel, making unconditional U.S. support often hard to rationalize and even more difficult to sustain. The near-annihilation of Gaza, the enduring humanitarian crisis, and the uncertain future of Palestinian governance remain unresolved matters that demand bipartisan attention and cooperation. Instead, both parties have accused the other of faltering — or even less than full — support for Israel. The confusion of conviction in Washington abounds, and there is enough blame to go around.
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At the same time, the U.S. continues to suffer an antisemitism problem. American Jews are vilified for nothing more than their faith, targeted in campus demonstrations and attacked on city streets. It is a sinister redux of a dark century in Europe, and later America, bolstered now through social media. Meanwhile, Palestinians in Gaza continue to suffer displacement, death and despair — a cruel reminder that despite the ceasefire, peace on paper does not mean peace in spirit.
But hostility has not stopped at rhetoric or protest. It has migrated into the marketplace of art and ideas. Festivals have withdrawn films, distributors have cut ties, and artists have been silenced for the crime of nationality. The economic and artistic boycott of Israeli creators, especially filmmakers, academics and performers, has become the soft-power equivalent of isolation.
Boycott efforts date to the 2005 Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement, which urged global institutions to sever economic, academic and cultural ties with Israeli organizations linked to the occupation of Palestinian territories. What began as economic disengagement soon spread to universities, corporations and the arts, seeking to isolate Israel through refusal and withdrawal. That campaign has now become a cultural and commercial battleground.
In Hollywood, more than 4,000 film professionals have pledged to avoid Israeli partnerships, while academic and business institutions face pressure to cut ties. American business leaders have begun to push back. Bill Ackman and Larry Ellison, among others, have stood on the principle that moral courage and corporate conscience can, and must, stand with Israel. Their views matter; when business leaders resist the boycott narrative, they reaffirm that support for Israel is not only ideological but anchored in the moral and economic fabric of free enterprise. They point out that the defense of democracy extends beyond parliaments into boardrooms, campuses and culture itself.
Our own history reminds us that moral clarity is often lonely. When President Harry Truman recognized the State of Israel in 1948, against the counsel of some of his own advisers, he did so because conscience outweighed convenience. This new agreement revives the same imperative that America must lead not by calculation, but by conviction. It is a call to democratic commitment, even when it looks ugly.
Today, the bond between the U.S. and Israel goes beyond defense and diplomacy. It is a partnership of innovation, science and commercial understanding. Together our two nations have built technologies that heal, defend and enlighten, from medicine to cybersecurity, agriculture to artificial intelligence. These shared achievements testify that freedom not only endures, it also creates, protects and prospers.
Unlike many others, America’s relationship with Israel is not transactional but a covenant whose potential distortion by partisanship should trouble every American leader. Even as we demand accountability from Israel’s government, we cannot abandon the moral and historical bonds that bind us. Israel’s future peace is now America’s, as are her burdens.
America owes Israel unwavering support in its existential struggle for survival — against Hamas, which still vows another October 7th, against Hezbollah, and against those who seek to delegitimize Israel’s right to exist. Unambiguous support for Israel must remain a cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy and a bipartisan covenant, not a political cudgel.
Israel matters because it stands as the lone democracy in an undemocratic region. Warts and all, it is worth defending. Beyond Bibi and Trump, the covenant endures. It has been tested by war, tempered by history, and sanctified by shared purpose.
Like our own, it is not a perfect union. There are failures, flaws and false steps aplenty. But in the end, Israel’s survival and America’s security are as interdependent as any alliance in modern history. It is a bond that no amount of bloodshed or boycott can undo, and a partnership that should transcend the politics of the day.
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Adonis Hoffman writes on business, law and policy. He served in senior legal roles at the FCC and in the U.S. House of Representatives, where he was counsel to the House Foreign Affairs Committee.
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