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American Thinker Reviews Robert Spencer’s Book, Rating America’s Presidents

American Thinker Reviews Robert Spencer’s Book, Ranking America’s Presidents

The American Thinker released my evaluation of Robert Spencer’s newest book, Ranking America’s Presidents.  Read everything:

Robert Spencer Rates the Presidents

A “great president is one who puts America first,” concludes bestselling author Robert Spencer in his newest book, Ranking America’s Presidents:  An America-First Take a look at Who Is Best, Who Is Overrated, and Who was an Outright Catastrophe.  His evaluation of governmental history provides an intriguing, appealing analysis of what exhibits policies that preserve American self-reliance in the house and abroad.

Spencer happily follows the minimal federal government customs of Establishing Daddies like Presidents George Washington and Thomas Jefferson.  They, Spencer declares, “would largely agree with my evaluations.”  While “America first…has been mislabeled, derided, and dismissed as ‘isolationism,’” for him this expression “only means that in dealing with the world, American presidents will be looking out primarily for the good of Americans.”

Accepting President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s 1961 caution versus the “military-Industrial complex,” Spencer generally opposes American military interventions abroad, a message that has the most engaging, fresh proof.  The “George W. Bush/Barack Obama effort to plant democracies in Muslim countries so that they would no longer pose a threat to the U.S. is a foredoomed endeavor,” he soberly examines.  “Democracy led to the installation of Sharia constitutions and regimes that hated America” in Afghanistan and Iraq, nations that ended up being America’s “two lengthiest and costliest nation-building endeavors.”

Unsurprisingly, for the conservative Spencer the 1981-1989 “presidency of Ronald Reagan stands out brilliantly in American history,” yet Spencer argues that Reagan likewise went astray in Afghanistan.  His administration discreetly assisted the mujahedeen’s effective revolt versus Soviet intruders in 1979-1989, a success that quickened the Soviet Union’s death and the Cold War’s end.  He for that reason bears “responsibility for the jihad attacks on September 11, 2001, and the general resurgence of the global jihad in the twenty-first century,” argues Spencer, without offering and weighing any realpolitik options.

Amazing to lots of, Spencer even asserts that President George H. W. Bush’s conduct of the 1991 Gulf War “was yet another unnecessary foreign intervention.”  In an online interview, this author kept in mind the broad American and global agreement versus permitting Iraqi totalitarian Saddam Hussein to inhabit oil-rich Kuwait while threatening the broader area’s vital force resources.  Hussein’s spectacular defeat furthermore enabled a containment of Iraq that mainly removed Hussain’s weapons of mass damage programs, consisting of a nuclear program on the edge of effective expansion.  Spencer’s action that Saudi Arabia and other nations in the area might have led Kuwait’s freedom will encourage couple of.

By contrast, Spencer provides no dissent to The second world war (1939-1945) as a needed resist totalitarian evils in Germany and Japan.  Here President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s (FDR) motivating management “is one of the cornerstones of his reputation as one of America’s greatest presidents.”  Yet he “made drastic mistakes in his handling of the war,” Spencer notes, such as Roosevelt’s Japanese-American internment, a “needless deprivation of the civil liberties of numerous loyal Americans.”  His advocacy for the postwar United Nations (UN) likewise dissatisfies Spencer, for the UN has actually been “steadfastly and consistently anti-American” under extensive Communist and Islamic impact.

Locally Spencer damns Roosevelt’s renowned New Offer.  This puffed up mass of federal government programs and guidelines did much more to promote historical misconceptions than financial development.  After Roosevelt ended up being president in 1933, the “economy recovered more slowly during the Great Depression than it did from any other economic crisis in the nation’s history,” Spencer notes.

Roosevelt’s Democratic follower, President Lyndon Baines Johnson, fared no much better releasing in 1964 the War on Hardship.  Its well-being programs have considering that expense over S22 trillion, over 3 times the expense of all America’s real wars.  Yet American hardship rates, currently falling quickly prior to LBJ, included 17 percent of Americans in 1965, however had actually just dropped to 14 percent by 2014.

These presidents would have been indistinguishable to earlier generations of Democrats.  The Democratic Celebration had actually generally included Jeffersonian protectors of minimal federal government, like President Andrew Jackson (1829-1837).  “Remarkably, the Jackson administration remains the only one in American history to payoff the national debt completely,” Spencer appreciates.

Yet at the 20th-century’s dawn progressive ideology started to affect both Democrats and Republicans like President Theodore Roosevelt, who often exclaimed ‘To hell with the Constitution.”  FDR’s remote cousin Teddy “opened the door to the good of the people being invoked as an excuse justifying all manner of abuses of power,” Spencer laments.  “Authoritarianism—in Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union, Communist China, and many other places—would be the bane of the twentieth century; progressivism was a softer version of the same impulse.”  Sadly, versus this difficulty Republican politicians like Eisenhower typically “reduced the Republican Party to a faint echo of the Democrats.”

Together with financial liberty, Spencer is similarly zealous for civil liberties, and for that reason notes typically neglected racial equality stands of Republican presidents Chester A. Arthur (1881-1885) and Calvin Coolidge (1923-1929).  He admires the initial Republican president, Abraham Lincoln (1861-1865), as a “penetrating and original thinker and something that is even more rare, a remarkable writer.”  Amongst his contemporaries, “Lincoln continued to stress the immorality of slavery, a fact that few others dared to approach.”

Lincoln’s leading basic in the Civil War, Ulysses S. Grant, followed the martyred Great Emancipator as a Republican into the presidency in 1869.  Not far behind Lincoln, Spencer positions Grant, typically slammed for corrupt subordinates, “in the top tier among the presidents” for his dedication to complete enfranchisement of previously enslaved blacks in the beat Confederacy.   Had Grant “been able to fully implement and enforce his Reconstruction agenda, he would have gone down in history as one of the nation’s greatest presidents, bridging and healing the racial divide that continues to be a source of strife.”

By differing “criteria developed by socialist internationalist historians,” Spencer overthrows prevalent rankings of widely known (e.g. Woodrow Wilson) and more unknown presidents (e.g. Warren G. Harding).  In the longstanding disputes over whether beating Germany was needed in World War I (1914-1918), Spencer unambiguously concludes that America under Wilson had “no reason to get in” in 1917.  Therefore “Wilson merits the title of the first internationalist president, who put the interests of the world ahead of the interests of his country” and “his presidency was an unmitigated disaster.”

Postwar America resoundingly chose in 1920 to be successful the Democrat Wilson the Republican politician Harding, typically a simple footnote in America’s governmental pantheon.  Yet under Harding’s tax and costs cuts the “twenties began roaring,” Spencer notes.  “The country was much better off with the simple and humble Harding in the White House than it was when the renowned intellectual and crusader for civilization Wilson was there.”

Vice President Coolidge prospered Harding in workplace after his death in 1923 and won the 1924 election.  Like him, Coolidge has actually had no terrific governmental histories, however he was a “modest man whose accomplishments as president were anything but modest.”  By his in 2015 in workplace in 1928, for instance, just America’s most affluent 2 percent paid earnings taxes.

Spencer’s strong analysis leaves not a surprises in his concluding chapter on the existing President Donald Trump.  “Accomplishing so much despite the unparalleled obstacles he faced places Trump in the first rank of American presidents,” Spencer enthuses.  Concur or disagree, Spencer makes an initial and important contribution to America’s governmental history.

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Hmm. yes i understand the
question, you know it's been at least
15 years since I've been following the news, no 10 my folks do that, hmm. what was the question again !?
Excuse me! But can you remember
where you read about this ?
Are you kidding !?
of course I can, it was on
the website u.s.news.com
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